The Gypsy Lore Society

THE GYPSY LORE SOCIETY

Annual Meeting Information

2003 ANNUAL MEETING IN ANN ARBOR, MI

SESSION ABSTRACTS

Romani Studies and Romani Politics
Thomas A Acton, University of Greenwich
The OSCE Stabilisation policy in practice represents a remarkable accommodation of nascent Romani nationalism, as represented by the IRU, and the growing tendency to move beyond a tokenistic multiculturalism to an economic rationale for policies to help Romani populations in Eastern Europe, encapsulated in the UNDP Report "The Roma in Central and Eastern Europe Avoiding the Dependency Trap" (UNDP, Bratislava, 2002). This presentation will argue that this rapprochement is built upon a raft of inconsistencies, and that an appreciation of the history of GajoRomani relationships can show how a failure to understand the historical roots of European marginalization of Roma communities leads to a recrudescence of traditional stereotypes. It argues, against Barany, that only a holistic, multidisciplinary Romani Studies can transcend the limitations of the discourses of Western nationstates.

Occupational Crises among Traditional Romani Musicians in Contemporary Romania
Margaret H. Beissinger, University of Wisconsin
This paper examines how dire economic conditions and shifting commercial strategies in post communist Romania affect the hereditary occupation that traditional professional male Romani musicians have held for generations. I demonstrate how performance opportunities for these musicians have diminished due to widespread economic hardships since the1990s, thus fundamentally altering the status and security of their profession. My discussion also treats how changing genres and repertoires as well as the marketing of Romani music on the national and global stages affects performers and performance at the local level. I explore how Romani musicians in the south of Romania respond to the situations around them--confronting, resisting, and reconciling themselves to various occupational hurdles and uncertainties as well as transcending and even outwitting the system that has engendered them. My findings are based on extensive fieldwork among urban and rural musicians in Romania especially since the 1990s.

Gypsies, Teens and Thieves: The Societal Reaction to Crime
Nadine Blumer, University of Toronto Ontario
From "gypping" someone out of their money, referring to a life of vagrancy and laziness, admonishment for being unhygienic and germ infested, warnings of having your babies or children stolen, to admiration for musical flair, fanciful styles and a romantic life of wandering, the standard image of the Gypsy is couched in stereotype, contradiction and appears to be a caricature of all that modern-day industrialized societies reject as immoral and inefficient. However evidence of intolerance and rejection of Gypsies dates back to their first migrations out of the Indian subcontinent more than 1000 years ago into the Middle East and eventually Europe (Lewy, 1999). Who are the Gypsies and why do these images of crime, deviancy and exoticism exist and persist? In this paper I explore the social construction of crime and how this translates into repercussions for those commonly viewed as the source of trouble. I outline the historical perception of Gypsy culture as criminal and deviant and suggest that this labeling may be indicative of more general and widespread fears present in any mainstream society. Many of the explanations attributable to negative views of Gypsies are not particular to Gypsy lifestyle alone. Popular conceptions of Gypsy culture that incite so much fear and mistrust vis-à-vis this population can be carried over to other "suspect" populations as well. The common practice of linking adolescents to activities of ill repute and criminality is a case in point. The similarities are striking when considering the labeling of deviant behavior to which both Gypsy and youth cultures have been historically subjected. This suggests that societal reactions to crime may have more to do with those doing the labeling, than with those being labeled. As such these reactions may not necessarily be reflective of the particularities of a targeted group's distinctive culture, behavior or attitude and thus, not always based in objective meanings of crime and deviance.

From the Grave to the Cradle: Masculinity, Motherhood, and the Vampire Motif in Slavo-Romani Folklore
Stu Burns, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
This project will be a meta-analysis of Romani folklore from South Slavic lands concerning various uses of the vampire motif. Specifically, I will show how such legends are highly expressive of the originating culture's discourses on gender, including the idea of childcare as a female domain and the paterfamilias' role as rational governor of the wife's actions. Further, such legends serve to reproduce discourses on gender roles by serving as cautionary tales for men who do not adhere to the masculine ideal.

The centerpiece of this analysis will be the familiar story of Vana, collected in 1951 but also typical of earlier specimens. In this tale, Vana dies shortly after giving birth and returns from the dead to suckle her baby. Vana's husband, Niglo, sees her and, recognizing the sinister implications, takes steps to ward off his undead wife. Vana appeals to his sentimentality, however, asking "Niglo, dear Niglo, why do you keep a mother from her child? Is your love so shallow that it cannot reach as deep as the grave?" Emotionally swayed, he permits the nocturnal visitations to continue. The child grows sick from contact with the dead, however, so Niglo consults a priest who tells him to destroy Vana by holding her until the sun rises. Niglo does so, but he has acted too late; his son is dead.

One can read gender in this tale in many ways. In the corpus of South Slavic vampire folklore, female revenants, particularly those who died in childbirth, are typically child-killers; this parallels similar motifs in Mesopotamian, Jewish, Malaysian, and Mesoamerican folklore. The gender dynamics of this trope are undeniable; children, particularly babies, are the purview of women, and are thus particularly vulnerable to female vampires whose spheres of influence are typically limited by their gender. Niglo's role is similarly gendered. As a male, his role is to be immune to Vana's sentimental pleadings and protect his son from the undead. He wavers, and he loses his child to death.

All told, we see gender as a pervasive trope in Romani vampire folklore, both in the Vana tale and similar accounts. Male vampires are omnivorous (in addition to being hypersexual) and are able to prey on practically anyone, while female vampires are restricted to the realm of children. Canny, masculine living men, such as the dhampir of Vukanovic's work, can hunt the vampire, while passive, effeminate men who do not fulfill the masculine ideal can only serve as victims along with women. Niglo stands as just such an example; by allowing Vana to appeal to his emotions, he becomes feminized, and thus fails his family. Among the Romani who live in South Slavic lands, vampire folklore reproduces and reinforces popular discourse on gender roles and the perils of transgressing them.

The Limits of Ottoman Tolerance: The Case of the Gypsies
Faika Celik, McGill University
The objective of this study is to explore whether the Gypsies because of their very distinct culture, were legally, economically and socially marginalized or were incorporated into the rigid structure of the Ottoman society during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

The legal, economic and social status of the Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire during this period will be analyzed through the examination of three major laws concerning the Gypsies: 1) Rumeli Etrakinun Koyun Adeti Hukmi (The decree on the number of the Sheep of the Turks in Rumelia) issued during the reign of Mehmed II (14511481); 2) Kanunnamei Cizyei Cingenehan (The Law of the PollTax for the Gypsies) promulgated in the time of Bayezid II (14811512); and 3) Kanunnamei Kiptiyani Vilayeti Rumeli (The Law of the Gypsies of Rumelia) delivered in the reign of Süleyman I (15201566). Travelers' accounts and some sources of Turkish oral traditions such as lullabies and proverbs will be presented as supporting materials especially for the economic and social status of the Gypsies.

The history of the people who were marginal, minority and voiceless in their societies is not just important for its own sake but for what it reveals about the nature of the societies in which they were functioned. Thus, the aim of this present work is not only to narrate the history of the Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire but also to open new grounds for further discussions on the functioning of the "plural society" of the Ottoman Empire.

Regional Differences among Roma in Hungary - The Case of Túrkeve and Olaszliszka
Antonia L. Eliason, University of Michigan
Roma in Hungary face constant discrimination in their daily lives in areas as diverse as education, employment, and trade. They perceive themselves as being at the lowest strata of society, a notion that is borne out by empirical studies and subjective analysis (i.e. interviews). Their situation is, however, markedly different in the region around Túrkeve, a town in eastern Hungary.

Hungarians in Túrkeve were originally Kuns, members of the eighth tribe that settled Hungary. They have common ancestry with the Kipchaks in Central Asia, and are not part of the original seven tribes that settled in Hungary. The Kuns were discriminated against by the Magyars and given the swamplands of eastern Hungary to settle in. They have been largely excluded from history books and it is perhaps due to these historic differences that they have been more tolerant to Roma settlers in the region. Roma in Túrkeve have a visibly better standard of living than in most other areas of Hungary. Differences between them and the 'ethnic Hungarians' in the town are less noticeable, and although many still live at the outskirts of the town, they have a higher employment rate and better education level than elsewhere. Today, the ethnic Hungarians of Túrkeve are a mix of Kuns and Magyars, and they are no longer viewed by Hungarians elsewhere as a different tribal group. They have, however, retained some distinctive customs, and continue to be discriminated against, although today's discrimination is more of a condescending attitude towards poor, backwards, rural people.

The relative success of the Roma in Túrkeve is in sharp contrast with their situation in Olaszliszka in northeastern Hungary, where the ethnic Hungarian population is made up of Magyars. There, the Roma population is rapidly increasing, while their employment rate remains extremely low. Many take up illegal activities to get by - roadside prostitution, for instance. The ethnic Hungarian population holds a much more negative perception of the Roma in Olaszliszka than in Túrkeve. Such persistent discrimination only reinforces the self-perception of the Roma as being at the bottom of society. Such a vicious circle prevents any improvement in their living conditions and is an aggravated example of the discrimination found throughout most of Hungary.

The Roma situation cannot, therefore, be viewed as it has been by many Hungarian politicians, who have made claims that Roma failure to succeed in society is a product of their own stupidity, laziness and inferiority. Their success in Túrkeve suggests that it is continued discrimination that prevents them from improving their condition. Successive generations of discrimination have led them to believe that they cannot possibly succeed. Despite efforts to improve their situation, changes in perception will not come quickly. Positive self-perception, which is possible only through improved societal acceptance, seems therefore to be the key to improvement for this subset of society.

"This Is My Land and I'm Doing No Harm:" Private Gypsy Sites and the Planning System in England and Wales
Margaret Greenfields, Family Rights Group, London
This paper considers the focal importance of access to secure sites for nomadic GypsyTravellers in the UK. Over recent years British Travellers have seen a decline in traditional stopping places, brought about by shifts in social policy and draconian public order laws. In a small, highly industrialized, and overcrowded country where the population is predominantly sedentary, and where nomadic persons are often greeted with suspicion and hostility, (even when their families can show a connection to an immediate locality for many generations) it is proving increasingly important for Gypsies to obtain a secure 'home site'. Having access to a site on a permanent basis permits a family to travel in the 'season' secure in the knowledge that they have a base to which they can return - thus alleviating concerns that they will face rapid multiple evictions, or be subjected to criminal penalties if they stop on the roadside - permits them to obtain medical services (in the UK a secure address is the first requirement for registration with a medical practitioner) and enables their children to obtain access to education.

While it was initially envisaged that state provided public sites and self provided 'private' sites would make up for the decline in access to 'green lanes' and 'hatchin tans' brought about by house and road building policies and increased industrialization across Britain, it has become clear that continued pressure on oversubscribed sites, and local authorities' reluctance to grant planning permission to those Travellers who are seeking to purchase land with a view to providing their own family site, has led to British Gypsies finding themselves in an increasingly untenable situation.

In response to this increased pressure to 'assimilate', and effective criminalization of a way of life, British GypsyTravellers are apparently responding in two ways. Some families are seeking accommodation in housing as an alternative to frequent eviction and inequitable access to services. Unsurprisingly, many Gypsy families find it impossible to settle into housing and become nomadic again within a very short period of time.

Many other families (roughly estimated at around 500/600 per annum) are seeking to challenge the legal system and establish a right to live in a traditional manner (in a caravan trailer) on their own land. Increasingly, those Travellers who have attempted to settle into housing but have found the constraints and social isolation untenable are beginning to join this move 'back to the land'.

This paper (whose title is taken from a statement made by a Romani lady at a planning appeal in March 2003) provides a brief overview of the hardships faced by 'unsited' Travellers in Britain; considers some of the legal hurdles facing nomadic Travellers who seek to provide their own 'private sites', and discusses the judicial and planning system's response to those Travellers who will not simply give up and 'move on'. Finally, examples are given of the ways in which good quality research can support a family's case for planning permission for a private site, by demonstrating that "Very Special Circumstances" (usually health and education needs) exist which outweigh the "locational undesirability" of permitting a Gypsy site anywhere but in the least popular, most poorly serviced areas of Britain.

Redefining "Tsyhany" in Ukraine
Adriana Helbig, Columbia University
People who have been marginalized culturally, socially, and politically create real and imagined self-representations of their groups in response to images produced by outsiders. This paper is part of a larger study on media selfrepresentation of particular tsyhan groups in Ukraine who are redefining tsyhan images in publications, videos for television, and in popular films. The three ethnographic examples upon which this presentation is based allude to how tsyhany are repositioning themselves in Ukrainian history and are using the media to cast new and broader meanings on Ukrainian national symbols.

The Hidden Agenda of Law: The Application of Feminist Legal Theory to the Roma Jane Jameson-Till, University of Abertay Dundee, Scotland
In the context of women's rights it has been said that the challenge is to move beyond the goals of formal equality and affirmative action and to remake our legal systems in a way that gives full value women. If you substitute 'Roma rights' for 'women's rights' in the above sentence, you arrive at perhaps the ultimate aim of the contemporary struggle for the emancipation of the Romani peoples. Feminist critiques of law have revealed both the 'hidden gender' of law and the ways in which traditional approaches to legal analysis have restricted the understanding of gender related issues. They have shown how the law constructs women through images of the 'bad mother', 'the slut', 'the victim'. By questioning the underlying assumptions of the law, in particular its claims to truth, objectivity and neutrality and its categories and methodologies, and by developing new legal strategies, and exploring the innovative use of old ones, feminists have shown how the law can be made more sensitive to the needs of women. It will be argued that the application of these feminist critiques of law to the Roma may reveal a 'hidden agenda' that functions as a barrier to all levels of intergroup communication and acceptance. It will be suggested that the 'remaking' of legal systems to give 'full value' to the Roma may become easier as the contours and possibilities of the 'post national' world become more clearly defined.

The Flamenco Bulerías An Improvisational Site of Negotiation between Personal Freedoms and Familial Constraints
Adair Landborn, Wesleyan University
My paper presents information based on my experience as a participant/observer at a Gypsy wedding in Jerez de la Frontera, Spain in the fall of 1999. The wedding I attended was being celebrated by a famous Gypsy family, the tribe of the famed flamenco singer known as El Terremoto (English translation, The Earthquake), that has produced many highly noted flamenco artists, such as singer and dancer, Juana la Pipa, and dancer, Antonio el Pipa. Drawing on my notes and memories of the experience, as well as other corroborating sources, my purpose is to highlight the social practices I witnessed pertaining to the specific dance/song form called the bulerías which is a traditional flamenco dance/song form known for its improvisational structure. Usually when one learns a dance such as the bulerías through flamenco dance studio training, the context emphasizes the academic practices of imitation and repetition, rather than the improvisational constructs that guide the bulerías in its more authentic context. Thus, one is left with many unanswered questions regarding its authentic practice. For an authentic view of the bulerías one can hardly do better than to observe the gypsies in the Andalusian town of Jerez de la Frontera. The Gitanos de Jerez take great pride of ownership in the bulerías de fiesta or bulerías de Jerez, considering themselves its premiere proponents. The nonverbal signaling that occurs between musicians, dancers, and those encircling the dance with hand clapping is an essential aspect of the practice, yet often remains mysterious to cultural outsiders. The subtle social rules of participation, especially as they are affected by the age, gender, or the familial relationships of those participating, are likewise either invisible or confusing to outsiders. Close observation of the bulerías reveals seemingly ambiguous, yet sometimes strict, demarcations that determine when its formal rules are to be followed and when they may be played with more freely in the spirit of improvisation. I have been a student, teacher and performer of flamenco dance for many years, and draw also upon my expertise as a movement analyst in my examination and interpretations. The opportunity I had to witness the bulerías in full swing in the context of a familial gathering for a Gypsy wedding was an experience that I continue to treasure and revisit for clues to help me more deeply understand the dance and its sociocultural roots.

Django's Children: Gypsy Jazz in Film and CD
David Malvinni, Santa Barbara City College
An astonishing parallel between African American musicians and their Roma counterparts on the Continent is the groundbreaking roles both groups have played in the creation, performance, and maintenance of the jazz tradition. Now legendary is the Parisian collaboration of Gypsy guitarist Django Reinhardt and violinist Stephane Grappelli, as members of the Quintette "The Hot Club of France," forging a style of performing popular songs that perhaps stands as Europe's greatest contribution to jazz. Today their recordings remain highly sought after, and both players' have exerted profound influences on their respective instruments in the jazz world. However, an unexplored aspect of The Hot Club's inimitable style is their reliance on the tropes of Gypsiness, especially virtuosity, deep expressiveness, and an overall seductive quality to the sonic experience. We shall consider the vibrancy of Django's legacy on the current Gypsy Jazz scene, also known as "Musique Manouche" in France or "Sinti jazz" in Germany. Tony Gatlif's recent film Swing and Bireli Lagrene's two recent "Gypsy projects," both tributes to Django, will be analyzed in terms of "Gypsiness." At stake in these projects is that "Gypsy" as a signifier has become a powerful motif in the distribution of this style of music.

The Tribulations of Juanero: A Gypsy Comedic Character in 1849
David Mulcahy, Polytechnic University
The famous hispanist Carlos Claveria advises us to look to the hundreds of one act, 19th century plays "in the Andalusian style" as a source for analysis of Spanish Gypsy language and lifeways. Many of the authors of this genre had firsthand knowledge of what they wrote. Francisco Gomez published his "Travesuras del Juanero" in 1849 about an elderly Gypsy man and his household on the day of a bullfight. The play gives us a fascinating glimpse of Spanish Gypsy language, shamanism, verbal abuse; gitanopayo conduct, and social class relations in the city of Malaga a century and a half ago. Comparative data will be presented from other contemporary Andalusian plays.

Kircherized Knowledge and "The Egyptian Question"
David "Jim" Nemeth, University of Toledo
"The Egyptian Question" can be distinguished from "The Egyptian Problem." Curiosity gives rise to both, but curiosity about Gypsies once "problematized" demands action that usually poses a threat to Gypsies. "Problems" by definition exist to be solved. Scientific problem solving is a systematic process that by design produces a win/lose outcome. Problem Gypsies in this scenario are destined to lose. For humanitarian reasons, Gypsy scholars should attempt to explore alternatives to a problem solving approach in Gypsy studies that can satisfy the curiosity of outsiders yet does not threaten Gypsies. Gypsy "problems" might, for example, be resolved, absolved or dissolved rather than solved. My presentation focuses on a way to dissolve "The Egyptian Problem." It promotes a "Kircherized Knowledge" approach to Gypsy studies in place of the familiar "Tree of Knowledge" approach. Kircherized knowledge relates anything (as contrasted to everything) about Gypsies that can be connected into a robust and enjoyable roundtable discussion that goes nowhere. "The Egyptian Question," in contrast to "The Egyptian Problem," is an enriching conversation in and for itself. Truth seeking about Gypsies is not required in order to participate in this conversation. Kircherized knowledge about Gypsies flows rather than advances, and is inchoate, yet interesting. My example of a Kircherized conversation begins with a photograph of "Mr. and Mrs. Gypsy Joe," a wrestling act in the early 1950s. I still don't know if they were Gypsies, but I know that some Rom Gypsies were great fans of "The Joes," and that 25 years later they were still almost exclusively watching wrestling (along with roller derby and cartoons) on their television set. They considered most other television programs dirty (soap operas) or boring (news). When they weren't watching television or working, they were playing instruments, dancing and singing. The songs were often dated American pop songs that related to the Gypsy motif (for example "Golden Earrings," "Cabbages and Kings," "The Song of the Wild Goose"). Other songs were heavily censored or completely avoided depending on Rom Gypsy standards of morality (I learned of this the hard way!). My Kircherized conversation flows on into what Professor Ian Hancock disdains as the "supposed Romani penchant for using knives to settle matters," where I fix momentarily on the provenance of the navaja, or "Gypsy fighting knife," in and around the Iberian Peninsula. I conclude this example with a brief anecdote about surreal circumstances surrounding my own impendent knife fight with the virtual Gypsy leader of an exclusive Yahoo! message group, leading to my expulsion from his cozy Internet campsite.

The Contribution of Tihomir Djordjevic to Romanology
Trajko Petrovski, Institute of Folklore, Skopje
Tihomir Djordjevic was one of the first researchers of Rom life and customs in Serbia and Yugoslavia. Tihomir Djordjevic was an ethnologist who began systematically and scientifically to study Gypsies, completing his dissertation, "Die Zigeuner in Serbien," in 1902 in Munich, Germany. His first studies are connected to the city of Alexinac, a city in Serbia, where he, as a young professor, studied Gypsy life, customs and folklore. Later, he studied all Roms. Djordjevic wrote many scientific works about Roms and was a member of Gypsy Lore Society which was created in London in1888, and which gathered the best Gypsy ethnologists in the world. Up to the publication of Djordjevic's book, "Die Zigeuner in Serbien," which was published in two volumes in Budapest, the first in 1903 and the second in 1906, Roms in Serbia had not been studied. In these studies about Roms, there are some very good questions about origin of Roms, types of Roms in Serbia, etc.

Roaders Revisited: Filling in Another Gap of Gypsy History.
Matt T. Salo, Cheverly, Maryland
Since my presentation last year on the discovery of Roaders as a previously unrecognized category of peripatetic peoples, I have continued research on Roader networks and added ten new families on which nearly comprehensive coverage has been obtained to the sample. The new material provides additional insights, but more importantly it verifies earlier conclusions and provides more data on topics like recruitment, ethnic identity and relations, range of occupations, reasons for and scope of itinerancy. Rather than dismissing Roaders as merely a marginal or a fringe element in the universe of Traveling People, they can now be seen as a separate entity comparable to the better-known Gypsy or Traveler groups. The dynamics of Roader emergence as a distinct category can be viewed as replicating the similar formation of English Travelers and perhaps of other Traveler groups as well.

"They Fought Up and Down the Country:" Patterns of Conflict among American Rom in the Early Twentieth Century
Sheila Salo, Cheverly, Maryland
In the winters of 1910-1911 and 1911-1912, conflict erupted among Rom families traveling in North and South Carolina. Using local court records, news accounts, and a manuscript memoir, this paper will examine patterns of conflict and conflict resolution in an historical setting.

Crafts and Ethnomedical Knowledge of Banjaras (Bhils)
Raka Sharan, Indian Institute of Technology, Kanpur
The Banjara population (of India) is quite large and diverse in their cultural pattern. In the country, they constitute about 1 percent of the total population (see Census Report of Govt. of India, 2001). In terms of evolution, they are distributed into several development stages such as hunters, food gatherers, stonecutters and shifting cultivators. A large chunk of them is moving around from one place to another and often they engage themselves in stonecutting operations or making implements /decorative pieces out of stones, beads, etc. Bhils are the kind of "Banjaras" who live in Rajasthan State of India and have got distinct forms of crafts and ethnomedical knowledge. Most of their crafts and the medicinal knowledge are on the verge of extinction because of disruption in tribal way of living. Thus, there is an urgent need to pay some attention to them, so that this unique form of knowledge and skill do not get lost. In order to draw attention, this paper presents some useful information on crafts and the medicinal knowledge of Banjaras (Bhils) of Rajasthan .The paper is based on materials collected through a primary study conducted on them during 19992001. Two villages of Banjaras were chosen for empirical observation. Most of the information were collected with the help of participant observation and semi-structured interviews. Findings suggest that their craft products can be divided into three categories: (a) religious; (b) utilitarian; (c) decorative. Likewise, their medicinal know-how is a very efficient method of health care. The Banjaras depend on the herbal medicines and their medicinal knowledge is in oral form. Thus, it is essential to document their medicinal knowledge of various plants and herbs in the form of "herbal materia medica", so that it cannot be lost. The present study has tried to gather some information with respect to common ailments and their herbal cure. The study suggests that some steps must be initiated to popularize the craft and ethnomedicine knowledge of (Bhil) Banjaras.

The Gypsy Stereotype: Representations of Romani Women in Gadje Art.
Amy Sodaro, New School University
Despite the fact that the Roma remain misunderstood by most of the cultures in which they live, there is a persistent Gypsy stereotype that is unchanged by time and serves to define them in the eyes of the nonGypsies (gadje). This stereotype has been disseminated primarily through art and literature, and is firmly lodged in the minds of gadje centuries after their initial encounters with the Roma. The Gypsy woman, especially, seems to embody the mystery and intrigue that the image perpetuates, and she is therefore ubiquitous in art and literature. She is portrayed as a symbol of freedom and exoticism, theatricality and the supernatural, but beyond her enchanting exterior she is a temptress-the embodiment of a very dangerous sexuality. By comparing the myth of the Gypsy woman with traditional gender roles in Romani society, I hope to show that there is, historically, a strong basis in reality for many of the common tropes used by the gadje artist in portraying Gypsy women. I would also like to show that, while this image is put forth by gadje and for gadje, its continuance also benefits Romani men in their effort to sustain the strict gender division in Romani society, which historically was maintained to preserve Romani cultural purity.

New Eyes, Old Stories: The Recuperation of Spain's Gitano History
Erika M. Sutherland, Muhlenberg College
Ask most college students what they know about Spain's gitanos and they will tell you about Federico García Lorca. His Romancero gitano and Andalusian tragedies are steeped in what the Granadine poet called a harmonization of "the mythological Gypsy with the pure vulgarity of present day reality" (156364). The harmony is so sweet, the emotions so heated, the images so wrenching, it has left an ever-widening trail of song, dance, and film versions. The songs of Camarón and Ana Belén, the fandangos and farrucas bringing five centuries of passion and persecution to the stage, or the brutal mastery of Saura's Bodas de sangre: it is perhaps no surprise that Lorca's fictional Gypsies have eclipsed their flesh and blood models.

The eclipse is not complete, however. As true a son of Granada as García Lorca, but of pure Gypsy stock, José Heredia Maya has begun to tell another history in which the mythological Gypsy is again harmonized with present day reality. The opening verses of his first collection of poems capture his vision: "Though my ID is new / I was born thousands of years ago (Aunque sea reciente mi carné / ya nací hace milenios)". Two of his works Camelamos naquerar (1976) and Macama jonda (1983) are authentic masterpieces of fusion, melding Spanish and caló, dance, song, music, Gypsy, Andalusian, and African cultures. From the harsh laws passed by the Catholic monarchs, to Franco's repressive laws, to the everyday oppression wrought by drugs and violence, gitano history is presented with new eyes. Heredia Maya is not the only gitano historian. Joaquín Albaicín has written a history of the Rom people, but it is in his short stories and first novel that his historical vision takes on an astounding richness. Albaicín weaves tradition and myths through his narratives, creating a seamless identity spanning centuries and the many miles between India and the Iberian Peninsula. The protagonists of his stories are at once timeless and firmly set in contemporary urban grittiness; they live in the city yet are eternal travelers. The language of the texts moves as well, surging from baroque flourishes to the crudest street talk, with stops in between for liberal doses of caló and even Indian languages. In content and in style, the texts of Heredia Maya and Albaicín evoke the gitano experience, at once hundreds of years old and still brand new. For the next generation of college students, it may perhaps be the Gypsies themselves who tell their history.

Revised: 07/01/2005